that of the British king extends to the declaring of war and to the raising and regulating. The reason of man, like man himself, is timid and cautious when left alone, and acquires firmness and confidence in proportion to the number with which it is associated. New York has no bills of rights, and her constitution says not a word about the matter. This restriction implies an admission that, if it were not inserted, the States would possess the power it excludes; and it implies a further admission, that as to all other taxes, the authority of the States remains undiminished. But whatever may be our situation, whether firmly united under one national government, or split into a number of confederacies, certain it is, that foreign nations will know and view it exactly as it is; and they will act toward us accordingly. Whether sixty-five members for a few years, and a hundred or two hundred for a few more, be a safe depositary for a limited and well-guarded power of legislating for the United States? Whatever may be the limits or modifications of the powers of the Union, it is easy to imagine an endless train of possible dangers; and by indulging an excess of jealousy and timidity, we may bring ourselves to a state of absolute scepticism and irresolution. The result from all this is that the Union ought to be invested with full power to levy troops; to build and equip fleets; and to raise the revenues which will be required for the formation and support of an army and navy, in the. As connected with the objection against the number of representatives, may properly be here noticed, that which has been suggested against the number made competent for legislative business.
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In the legislature, promptitude of decision is oftener an evil than a benefit. Author: Alexander Hamilton To the People of the State of New York: A firm Union will be of the utmost moment to the peace and liberty of the States, as a barrier against domestic faction and insurrection. What, then, are the distinctive characters of the republican form? When these questions have been asked, upon other occasions, they have received a plausible, but not a solid or satisfactory answer. If a federal Constitution could chain the ambition or set essay on abdul kalam in marathi bounds to the exertions of all other nations, then indeed might it prudently chain the discretion of its own government, and set bounds to the exertions for its own safety. There will consequently be less of personal influence on the side of the former than of the latter. It will be shown in the next paper that this concurrent jurisdiction in the article of taxation was the only admissible substitute for an entire subordination, in respect to this branch of power, of the State authority to that of the Union.